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ItemSubaltern struggles and resilience: the dynamics of land dispossession and responses in Mubende District, Uganda(Makerere University, 2025)Drawing on the 2001 eviction of 401 registered families from Buwekula Blocks 99 and 103, this thesis examines the responses to land dispossession in Mubende District in central Uganda. Conceptualising the dispossessed occupants as subalterns, the study explores the complex legal terrain they navigate under the 1998 Land Act, which grants them varying statuses. The central question is: how have these subalterns responded to land dispossession since 2001? Employing a qualitative, hybrid design approach that integrates case study, ethnographic, and historical research, the study examines the land tenure dynamics, the contradictions driving dispossession, and the strategies employed by occupants to reclaim their land. The findings reveal that for the past 23 years, land occupants have responded through litigation, petitions, and advocacy. The 23-year struggle for land restitution and compensation has been ineffective, largely due to the government’s conflicting interests in the land, despite efforts to pursue peaceful strategies. ActionAid and FIAN International have supported affected families through petitions to key stakeholders, including Ugandan and German officials. Their advocacy efforts have included research, online activism, meetings with government officials, and grassroots mobilisation. The Mubende land dispute reveals the judicial process’s inherent contradictions, including protracted delays and conflicts between judges and advocates. After nearly two decades of litigation, the 401 families split into distinct factions in 2019. This case highlights the complexities of land struggles where governmental interests contradict those of land occupants. Also, the non-confrontational approach assumes a benevolent state apparatus. However, this thesis argues that these strategies are inherently contradictory, as they seek redress from the very structures that perpetuate the violence. The study further reveals that the primary driver of dispossession was the pursuit of commercial coffee production, which altered existing land uses. This was exacerbated by absentee landlordism, unauthorised settlements, and the 1998 Land Act’s contradictory designation of occupants as “bona fide.” In terms of theory, the research demonstrates that subaltern resistance takes a non-linear path, contrasting with the Marxist linear stance on class struggle. Negotiations for land incorporation are not absolute or one-time events, but rather occur at different stages after other attempts to reclaim land or seek compensation have been exhausted or individual interests shift. The timing of negotiations is crucial, and not all victims of land dispossession may agree to negotiate. Additionally, resistance to land dispossession can vary among individuals within a group, with some choosing to resist while others may opt for negotiation or other approaches. Moreover, resilience is identified as an individualistic, subjective response, not a collective class phenomenon. There is no evidence of collaboration between the working class and the peasantry. Instead, non-state institutions like ActionAid and FIAN International have occupied the working-class space. This research contributes to contemporary debates on agrarian change, rights discourse, and rural resistance in Uganda and broader discourses on resistance, subaltern agency, and human rights protection. It emphasises that contextual specificity is crucial to understanding the politics associated with power relations, fear, and a misguided understanding of the state.
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ItemThe impact of mass media on the morality of the youths in Kyabakuza Parish in light of Miranda Prorsus(Makerere University, 2018)Kyabakuza Parish is a growing town with a big population of the youths. It is in this same period of its growth that we see a vibrant development in Mass media. And there is a remarkable decline in morality among the youths. Therefore, our research was to establish a thesis that Mass media has an impact on the morality of the youths and the Church has the capacity to curb the negatives of mass media and uplift the positives. Mass media is a term denoting that section of the media specifically designed to reach a very large audience and these may include print or electronic media such as: Newspapers, Magazines, television, radio, internet, smartphones and social apps. God gave man the power to subdue the earth, man uses his knowledge and wisdom to advance in technology like in the means of social communication. This dawn of the new era comes along with many advantages and at the same time with disadvantages. These in one way or the other may bring a negative impact on the morality of those who perceive the message. The church has a duty to safeguard against the errors that may come along with the new advancement in technology. The Church should not only use social media for evangelisation but should evangelize it first. In our research findings, we discovered the fact that Mass Media has got an impact on the morality of the youth; it has a positive impact, and a negative impact if not properly used, and also there are other factors that affect the morality of the youths like urbanisation and that the Church as a mother has a role to play in evangelizing media. Mass media has a positive impact on the morality of the youth; however, everybody can be manipulated by the powers of mass media: shows, Series, films, books, magazine, music, smartphones, which often portray violence and immoral behaviours. The youths are the group mostly influenced. Their lifestyle is mostly influenced and modelled after media personalities, it is highly believed that Mass Media is greatly responsible for the behavioural changes among the youths, this not an assertion or a hasty generalisation, but an observation. And at the same time evangelised it, such that its aim conforms to that of the Church. The Church as a duty to safe guard against the errors that may come along with the new advancement in technology.
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ItemAn examination of the role of police in combating human trafficking-related insecurities in Kampala Metropolitan Area(Makerere University, 2025)The study aimed to examine the role of police in combating human trafficking-related insecurities in the Kampala Metropolitan Area (KMA). To accomplish this, the study was guided by three specific objectives, namely 1) to identify the human trafficking-related insecurities in KMA, 2) to examine the existing strategies used by the Uganda Police Force in combating human traffickingrelated insecurities in KMA, and 3) to establish the challenges faced by the Uganda Police Force in addressing the human trafficking insecurities in KMA. The study adopted a descriptive crosssectional design and employed a mixed-methods approach. A sample of 108 respondents was selected from a targeted population using a combination of stratified and purposive sampling techniques. Findings of the study revealed that 86.5% of respondents acknowledged human trafficking as a serious security threat, while 83.1% agreed that trafficking of children for labor and sexual exploitation was increasing. The results further showed that 83.2% believed women were the most vulnerable victims of trafficking, and 77.5% of participants reported that human trafficking made communities feel unsafe. Regarding strategies, 78.6% of respondents confirmed that joint operations between police and immigration exist at border points, and 76.5% agreed that partnerships with NGOs help in victim rehabilitation. However, significant challenges were reported, including inadequate training (noted by 81.9% of respondents), corruption among officers (79.7%), and a lack of shelter for victims (78.5%). Regression analysis indicated that police strategies account for 42.6% of the variation in trafficking-related insecurities (R² = 0.426), with community policing (β = 0.267, p = 0.000) and partnerships with NGOs (β = 0.234, p = 0.001) being significant predictors. The study concludes that human trafficking-related insecurities are widespread and affect both individual safety and community stability. Police interventions are in place but are undermined by systemic and resource-related challenges. The study recommends strengthening community policing, expanding formal partnerships with NGOs, enhancing officer training on trafficking laws and victim handling, increasing funding for shelters and logistical support, and enforcing anticorruption mechanisms within the Uganda Police Force. Although this study has examined the role of police, there is a need for a future study to examine the effectiveness of these roles in combating human trafficking insecurities.
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ItemThe military in Uganda’s political space : 1962-2021(Makerere University, 2024)This study examined the role of the military in shaping Uganda’s political space from 1962 to 2021. Since independence, Uganda has faced ongoing theoretical and practical disagreements about the role of the military in politics. Early scholars like Huntington painted a positive theoretical picture of an independent, professional, and apolitical military. However, in Uganda, this resulted in frequent coups and overthrows of civilian governments. Therefore, this necessitates theoretical and empirical repositioning of the military role in politics in Uganda. Specifically, the study explored the nature of political space; the evolution of the military; and assessed the implications of military participation in the political space as well as strategies for strengthening civil-military relations in Uganda. The study utilized a qualitative approach with a historical research design. It employed documentary reviews, interviews, and archival research as data collection methods. The data was analyzed using content, thematic, interpreting, and reporting methods. In addition, the study was guided by the Concordance theory, which promotes military collaboration with political actors and partially debunked Huntington's Traditional control theory, which advocates for the separation of the military from politics. The study established that the military played a key role in Uganda’s politics through power acquisition, control, retention, sustenance, and transition. It also found out that in Uganda’s pre-colonial decentralized and segmentary states the military was intertwined with politics, whereas during the colonial period, it played an important role in expanding and administering colonial territories. During the 1960s, 1970s, and 1980s, attempts to separate the military from politics led to coups and counter-coups, with the military dominating power transitions across regimes. Evidence also shows that Uganda has never experienced a peaceful government change or power transfer from one political leader to another. However, there has been an evolution of the military in terms of regionalized recruitment, discipline, education, promotions and deployment in various sectors including the political space. This has been critical in deconstructing the colonial theorization of the apolitical military. The study significantly restored historical awareness of the military role in politics and decolonized Eurocentric theories addressing issues in Ugandan contexts. The study concludes that the military and civilian authorities are so fused that the distinction between political elites and the military is blurry. It therefore recommends that the military should collaborate and work together with the political elites and civilians, as the best antidote to political instability.
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ItemAn examination of refugee influx and conflict in Bidibidi Settlement, Yumbe District, Uganda(Makerere University, 2025)The study aimed to analyze the influence of refugee influx on conflicts between refugees and host communities in Bidibidi Settlement, Yumbe District, Uganda. The study was guided by four specific objectives which were to examine the types and underlying causes of conflicts between refugees and host communities in Bidibidi Settlement; to assess the effects of these conflicts on both refugee and host community livelihoods, social cohesion, and well-being; to evaluate the effectiveness of existing conflict resolution mechanisms in addressing refugee- host tensions; and to propose evidence-based strategies for preventing and managing refugee- host conflicts in settlement contexts. The study adopted a mixed-methods convergent design, combining quantitative and qualitative approaches. A sample size of 802 respondents was selected using stratified random sampling, simple random sampling, and purposive sampling techniques. Findings of the study revealed that land disputes were the most prevalent type of conflict (45%), followed by competition for natural resources (32%), and cultural misunderstandings (23%). Regarding underlying causes, resource competition was identified as the primary driver (68% of respondents), followed by perceived inequities in resource allocation (57%) and cultural differences (49%). Correlation analysis showed a strong positive relationship between resource competition and conflict intensity (r = 0.72, p < 0.01). The study also found that conflicts have significant negative effects on communities, with 77% of respondents reporting reduced income opportunities. Regression analysis revealed that conflict intensity significantly predicted income reduction (β = 0.68, p < 0.001), explaining 46% of the variance (R² = 0.46). Additionally, 82.8% of respondents indicated decreased trust between groups, with correlation analysis showing a strong negative relationship between conflict intensity and social cohesion (r = -0.81, p < 0.01). Furthermore, 79.3% reported increased stress and anxiety, while 70.7% agreed that conflicts decrease agricultural productivity. With regard to conflict resolution mechanisms, the study found that joint peace committees were the most effective (65% success rate), though only 45% of respondents felt these mechanisms were accessible to all community members. With regard to the findings, the study recommends that the Office of the Prime Minister and UNHCR should implement integrated service delivery systems that benefit both refugees and host communities equally. Additionally, humanitarian organizations should establish participatory resource management committees with equal representation from both groups to address natural resource competition. The study further recommends that local government should strengthen joint peace committees by providing adequate resources and ensuring accessibility to all community members, including women and youth. Finally, community- based organizations should implement intercultural dialogue programs to address cultural differences and promote social cohesion between refugees and host communities.